My name is Lodi Gyari. I am the Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, a position I have held since 1990. I have served the cause of Tibet for most of my life. First, as a young activist and founder of the Tibetan Youth Congress. Later, as a member of the exile government's Parliament and Cabinet. For several years, I held the position of President of the International Campaign for Tibet, retiring last year to devote more time in assisting the efforts of His Holiness Dalai Lama to negotiate a political solution for Tibet.

I thank you, Chairman Gilman and members of the Committee, for the opportunity to testify on Tibet, and in particular on the diplomatic initiatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. It is a privilege to share this opportunity with Prof. Thurman, a renown scholar of Tibetan Buddhism: Steve Marshall, an extremely courageous man with amazing analytical skill; and my old friend, and a kind of honorary Tibetan patriot, Ken Knaus.

I am particularly honored to follow Julia Taft, the new Special Coordinator for Tibet. I have had the pleasure of meeting with her on several occasions. In fact, I was afforded the courtesy of meeting with her before her appointment as Tibet Coordinator was announced publicly. I fully expect that with her help and the continued support of the Congress, we will make progress on the issue of Tibet in the coming year.

Of course, I was gratified to hear Mr. Stanley Roth, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, describe President Clinton as the "Tibet desk officer" in testimony before the Asia Subcommittee on February 10. I am sure Mrs. Taft takes no offense and realizes, as I do, that his personal interest and leadership is a crucial element for achieving the objectives of the Office of Special Coordinator.

Secretary Albright has determined that the "central objective" of the Tibet Coordinator is "to promote substantive dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama and his representatives." As this is my central objective, as well, I expect Mrs. Taft and I will spend a great deal of time working in concert. I especially look forward to her visit in the near future to Dharamsala, India, the seat of the Tibetan exile government. I sincerely hope that the authorities in Beijing will realize the importance of finding a negotiated settlement and will cooperate with the Tibet Coordinator.

I must acknowledge the role this Committee played, and its counterpart in the Senate, in identifying the need that someone be appointed to deal with the issue of Tibet at a high-level in the State Department. Secretary Albright, too, deserves credit for fairly interpreting the intent of the original legislation calling for the naming of a Special Envoy for Tibet. Clearly, the Tibet Coordinator's mandate reflects the position of the Clinton administration, intensified by the strong bipartisan support of the Congress, that Tibet is more than a human rights problem and merits the full political support of the U.S. Government.

It is purposefully well-timed, I believe, for the Committee to convene this hearing as Tibetans commemorate the 40th anniversary of the March 1959 Lhasa uprising and His Holiness the Dalai Lama's flight into exile.

The national uprising against the Chinese presence in Tibet was the inevitable result of increased oppression and policies imposed by China in violation of the agreement in place -- the so-called 17-Point Agreement. In spite of the Dalai Lama's commitment to cooperate, the Chinese leadership initiated a series of policies that effectively replaced Tibetan political authority with Chinese rule. The people revolted and reaffirmed their independence. China's own statistics contend that during the uprising and aftermath alone 87,000 Tibetans were "eliminated." The Dalai Lama's escape from the Norbulingka palace and arrival in India eliminated the last obstacle to Chinese control of Tibet.

The departure of His Holiness from Lhasa, was also the beginning of a new chapter in the history of Tibet. The Tibet struggle, out of practical necessity, took on an international dimension. Had the Dalai Lama not been able to leave Tibet, this struggle may not have survived, or it may have taken a different course. So, even though it was a sad day, when you look back from the perspective of forty years, you can see that the Dalai Lama's freedom in exile allowed the struggle for Tibetan freedoms to continue, intensify and earn international respect for its non-violent nature, including the award to His Holiness in 1989 of the Nobel Peace Prize.

Beginning the following year, and annually since 1960, His Holiness has prepared a public statement for release on 10 March. This annual statement has become a sort of "State of the Union" address for us -- a time when we reflect on the year's events in Tibet and consider the challenges that we must face in the time ahead. Before I read part of the Dalai Lama's 10 March statement -- and I ask that the full text be included as part of the official record of this hearing -- I wish to say something about the young Panchen Lama.

Three years have passed since this 6-year old boy and his parents were taken from their home and placed in so-called protective custody of the Chinese government. The arrogance of this act is surpassed only be the failure of the international community, including the United States Government, to take the necessary steps to extract this child and his parents from a regime of psychological cruelty. If the administration's calls for religious freedom in Tibet are anything more than empty platitudes, the freedom of this child, whose recognition by the Dalai Lama is a central tenet of our faith, should be a central tenet of your China policy. . Now, if I may, I will read from His Holiness's 10 March statement.

"Four decades have passed since we came into exile and continued our struggle for freedom both in and outside Tibet. Four decades are a considerable time in a person's life. Many fellow countrymen, both those who stayed back in Tibet in 1959 and those who came out at that time, are now gone. Today, the second and third generations of Tibetans are shouldering the responsibility of our freedom struggle with undiminished determination and indomitable spirit.

"... the Tibetan issue is still very much alive and remains yet to be resolved. Obviously this situation is of no benefit to anyone, either to Tibet or to China. To continue along this path does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor does it bring stability and unity to China or help in enhancing China's international image and standing. The only sensible and responsible way to address this problem is dialogue. There is no realistic alternative to it . . . Unfortunately, a lack of political will and courage on the part of the Chinese leadership has resulted in their failure to reciprocate my numerous overtures over the years.

"...When President Clinton visited China last June, President Jiang discussed Tibet with him at some length. Addressing a joint press conference, President Jiang sought a public clarification from me on two conditions before resuming dialogues and negotiations. We, on our part, communicated to the Chinese government my readiness to respond to President Jiang's statement and our desire for an informal consultation before making it public. Sadly, there was no positive response from the Chinese side.

"Late last autumn, without any obvious reason, there was a noticeable hardening of the Chinese position on dialogue and their attitude towards me. This abrupt change was accompanied by a new round of intensified repression in Tibet. This is the current status of our relation with the Chinese government.

"It is clear from our experiences of the past decades that formal statements, official rhetoric and political expediency alone will do little to either lessen the suffering . . . or to solve the problem at hand. It is also clear that force can control human beings only physically. It is through reason, fairness and justice alone that the human mind and heart can be won over. What is required is the political will, courage and vision to tackle the root cause of the problem and resolve it once and for all to the satisfaction and benefit of the concerned people.

"On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue as the means to resolve the Tibetan problem. I do not seek independence for Tibet. I sincerely believe that my "Middle Way Approach" will contribute to stability and unity of the People's Republic of China and secure the right for the Tibetan people to live in freedom, peace and dignity. A just and fair solution to the issue of Tibet will enable me to give full assurance that I will use my moral authority to persuade the Tibetans not to seek separation.

"As a free spokesman for the people of Tibet, I have made every possible effort to engage the Chinese government in negotiations...In this endeavour, I am greatly encouraged and inspired by the support we receive from many governments, parliaments, non-governmental organisations and the public throughout the world. I am deeply grateful for their concern and support.

"I would like to make a special mention of the efforts being made by President Clinton and his Administration to encourage the Chinese government to engage in dialogues with us. In addition, we are fortunate to continue to enjoy strong bipartisan support in the United State Congress . . . I strongly believe that such expressions of international concern and support are essential. They are vital in communicating a sense of urgency to the leadership in Beijing and in persuading them to address the issue of Tibet in a serious and constructive manner.

"With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the suffering of our people."

The Dalai Lama Dharamsala, March 10, 1999

Mr. Chairman, China's intransigence on Tibet is not only frustrating, it is also potentially risky as resentment grows inside Tibet. The time has come to pay serious attention to Tibet. We are, as His Holiness said, profoundly grateful for such gestures as resolutions expressing strong support for the Tibetan people. However, a more potent approach must now be adopted in order to avoid a potentially dangerous situation from erupting. I would urge the administration and the Congress, to work with common cause, as you did in establishing the office of the Special Coordinator, to formulate concrete policies that will back-up the efforts of His Holiness with necessary strength and firmness.

The visit next month of Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji provides a timely and strategic opportunity to insert Tibet prominently into the mix of bilateral concerns that must be addressed. Of course, I would be pleased to contribute to your own deliberations surrounding Minister Zhu's visit, reminding you of my firm commitment to seek a negotiated settlement for Tibet.

However, I would caution the Chinese leadership, that the clock is ticking and, in the case of Tibet, time is no one's friend. I intend no arrogance when I say that unless they respond to the Dalai Lama's call for a negotiated settlement, they will bear full responsibility for the outcome. It is ridiculous for the Chinese to state, as they have recently done, that the Dalai Lama is to blame for hindering Chinese efforts to achieve progress in Tibet. In fact, His Holiness can take full credit for thus far being able to restrain his people from resorting to other than peaceful means.

The Tibetan struggle has remained non-violent because of the moral influence of the Dalai Lama and because international reaction to his message of non-violence has conveyed a sense of hope to the Tibetan people. While the Dalai Lama's hold over the heart's of the Tibet people will not diminish, hope in the absence of progress cannot last forever. Just as agitation in the Baltics was the catalyst for the demise of the Soviet Union, so could loss of hope among the Tibetans lead to drastic measures that destabilize the entire region.

This is not our purpose. Neither is this what Beijing wishes. But this is the model that history provides.

To date, Beijing has chosen to deal with the potential for unrest in Tibet by initiating ever harsher policies implemented by police and other security forces or by the threat of such force. After forty years of occupation, the degree of stability in Tibet can be directly related to the might of China's control apparatus. His Holiness the Dalai Lama offers the Chinese leadership another alternative -- a negotiated political solution. According to your own State Department, it is the only way to resolve the problems in Tibet. If China would be guided by its best interest, it would wisely choose a negotiated settlement, guaranteed by the moral authority of the Dalai Lama, over an uncertain and potentially dangerous future.

Mr. Chairman, I believe with a determined effort from the United States, the Chinese can be made to see the advisability of reinvigorating the process leading to negotiations. As you know, our position has consistently been -- and remains -- one of support for "engagement" with China, although His Holiness has always called for a principled engagement. It is clearly time for the administration to rethink its rules of "engagement" and "deal not with the China of its fond hopes but with China as it is," as a recent Washington Post editorial advised.

The United States has many points of leverage with China and should not be reluctant to use them out of fear of destabilizing a partnership that exists only as long and to the extent that it serves China's purposes.

[ Homepage ] [ NewsRoom ]



This site is maintained and updated by The Office of Tibet, the official agency of His Holiness His Holiness the Dalai Lama in London. This Web page may be linked to any other Web sites. Contents may not be altered.
Last updated: 22-Mar-99